Exploring the Gradual Decline of France’s Traditional Policy in Africa, from the 1990s to this New Era of Globalization

France ’ s traditional policy in Africa, born after the independence of cataclysms, does not know how to make exception to the fundamental notion of the life cycle. It was born, grew up

This short article is based on part of the results of our doctoral dissertation (Makengo, 2022). It aims to briefly describe the gradual decline of France's traditional policy in Africa from the 1990s to this new era of globalizationan era of great transformations, intense competition, new opportunities and complex. It is a continuation of our article explaining the reasons of the gradual decline and probable end of history of France's traditional policy in Africa in this new era of globalizationusing Central African Republic and Mali as specific cases of concrete illustrations (Makengo & Zongshan). Also, it is part of the eschatological dimension and starts from a logic that we have called structural-effect, combining structural logic and its possible effects (Makengo, 2022).
Indeed, France's traditional policy in Africausually called "Françafrique" (Verschave, 1998)refers here to France's evolving neo-colonial policy on the African continent and in its sub-Saharan bosom in particular, taking on several dimensions at once: economic-financial, political, security, socio-cultural.... It has its origins in the distant past from the era of French colonization in Africa to the Façade Independence, and from the Façade Independence to its Birthin the aftermath of the independence of cataclysms (Thimonier, 2006). It is defined and founded in four (4) major conceptions that implicitly constitute its pillars: (i) The Foccartism, (ii) economic-financial domination, exploitation, influence and control, (iii) military domination, influence and control, and (iv) cultural domination, influence and control (Thimonier, 2006;Traoré, 2019;Verschave, 1998). Its operationalization is made and becoming possible via a vast and complex network of actors including the alternative French presidents and their ruling class [from De Gaulle to Macron], the "African leaders of compromise", the businessmen, multinational companies, the media, secret services and mercenaries (Bancel, 2002;Thimonier, 2006;Traoré, 2019; Corresponding Author: Benjamin Mwadi makengo, benjaminmwadi@yahoo.com Citation: Mwadi Makengo, B., Mimbale Molanga, J., Mbutamuntu, J., Kamanda Londo, P., Kaminar Nsiy, T., Musao Kalombo, C. (2022). Exploring the Gradual Decline of France's Traditional Policy in Africa, from the 1990s to this New Era of Globalization. Academia Letters, Article 5200. https://doi.org/10.20935/AL5200 3 Verschave, 2000;Verschave, 1998;Verschave, 2004;Glaser, 2014;Glaser & Airault, 2021). And its existential and conservation reasons are: the interests of power and autonomy of France, the economic and financial interests, the interests of unclean money accumulation, and the interests of power and illicit enrichment of African leaders (Traoré, 2019;Thimonier, 2006;Verschave, 2000;Verschave, 1998;Verschave, 2004).
This so-called France's traditional policy in Africa had its fair share of success during the Cold War period between the United States and the USSRconsidered to be the period of its golden age (Thimonier, 2006;Verschave, 1998). Rather, since the 1990s, everything has turned against itits delinquent tendency is increasingly observed (Hugon, 2007;Marchesin, 1998). The shift in the African international structure in the 1990s has ostensibly worked against France's traditional policy in Africa. These include the rise of the wind of democratization or re-democratization in the 1990s following the end of the Cold War between the United States and the USSRwhich followed the La Baule speech of June 20, 1990; the fiascos and negative impacts of French interventions on the continent in the 1990s to mention here only the case of Rwanda following the 1994 Rwandan genocide; and the reforms of the European Union based on the 1992 Maastricht Treatyadvocating, among other things, common security and foreign policy among the members of the union (Hugon, 2007;Marchesin, 1998).
Since the beginning of this twenty-first century, the said France's traditional policy in Africa has not ceased to be ostensibly shaken by the new wind of dynamisms and mutations at the level of the international structure and within the African continent (김태수, 2016). A strong dynamism ostensibly driven by the so-called "BRICS" emerging powers, that is, the countries [Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa] -[but also by other emerging powers on the continent, including Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates], which have markets with high growth capacity that can compete on equal terms and in many areas with the G7 countries [the United States, Japan, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Canada] in Africa (Badie & Vidal, 2021;Makengo, 2020;Paczyńska, 2020;Hugon, 2010). This dynamism of the rise of the emerging powers at the level of the African international structure does not cease to be accompanied [by its effects] by internal mutations, internal changes in the African continent, including that of the wind of the rise of a new anti-neocolonial public opinion in Africa and in the sub-Saharan bosom of France in particular (Badie & Vidal, 2021;Mbembe, 2021).

Conclusion
The purpose of this paper was to make a brief sketch of the gradual decline of France's traditional policy in Africa, from the 1990s to this new era of globalization. After analysis and discussion, we note here that the said policy, born after the independences of cataclysms, has come a long way during the period of the US-USSR cold warknown as the period of its golden age. Rather, since the 1990s, everything has been shifting in it disadvantage. We can observe more and more a delinquent tendency of the said policy. In this twenty-first centurythe new era of globalization, the decline of the said policy is becoming more and more evident to the point of making many to believe in its probable end of history. From the years of its birththe era of independence of cataclysms, to this new era of globalization, the said policy is seen moving from libertinage and coercive prescriber gendarme to "peacekeeper" and reserves; from collusion to the pronounced appearance of arm-wrestling and criticism; from tacit legitimacy to pronounced fed up; switches to the progressive breakdown of privileges, monopolies and abusive dominations; and from the open sky to hypocrisy, taboo and sacrilege. Finally, the question that arises here is: are we heading towards the end of history of the said policy?