, huile (an oil stain) strategy, spreading outwards into peripheral areas from the 2014 stronghold. 39 However, the extent to which this accounts for RN successes in the election is variable. Map 1 shows four areas of RN resilience -2014 mayoral victories in bold, 2020 victories in normal type -with choropleth shading by change in vote between, party strategy of consolidating its 2014 wins, and building locally on these victories to build local networks has been described as a tache d, 2014.

, Le Pontet and Camaret show consolidation in increased first-round vote share in 2020, accompanied by increases in neighbouring communes, and three additional town halls in Bédarrides, Mazan and Morières. Nonetheless, as many communes in the interstices saw a diminishing of RN support. Similarly, around Hénin-Beaumont, a line of communes saw increased first-round RN voting, with a single victory in Bruay-la-Buissière. Again, however, as many adjacent communes saw drops in vote share for the RN, Bruay-la-Buissière, Ludovic Pajot's prominence, as the benjamin of the Assemblée Nationale, and close ties to Steeve Briois in

, Perpignan has always been an island of support for the radical right, as Pierre Sergent's fiefdom in the 1980s. The high-profile candidacy of Louis Aliot and distancing from the national party, in a similar socio-economic environment, echoed Ménard's campaign in 2014, despite differences between the two mayors on the relative importance of national profile and local specificity. 40 However, the map underlines the relative failure of the RN's tache d'huile strategy in the Pyrénées-Orientales, with no additional RN win in the area of the Narbonnaise along the Mediterranean coast. Finally, in the Var, RN hegemonic position over the Fréjus-Le Luc-Cogolin triangle did not produce any additional city for the party in 2020, A similar axis obtains between Béziers, the self-styled laboratoire frontiste of Robert Ménard, and Perpignan

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