Sawila tamuro ~ tamura, Kula tamr 'strong wind, particularly an easterly wind' #simur: Klon nmer, 15 Kafoa himor, Abui timoi, Kamang sumui 'wind' Distinct borrowing events also pick out the Alor mainland as separate from the Straits-West Alor linkage, as illustrated by the two sets of reflexes of PMP *balik in (9) ,
, PMP *balik 'reverse, turn around' (ACD) #-wari 'return, go back': Wersing -wari
,
,
,
Kui -wari #bale[k] 'return, go back': Blagar balek ,
, Separate Austronesian etymologies are also responsible for the distinct forms of certain lexemes in East Alor. In the case of 'comb' in (10), for example, the East Alor forms appear to represent compounds of two Austronesian etyma as given, while elsewhere in Alor-Pantar the /i/ vowel in 'comb' is suggestive of a distinct source. A more straightforward example is 'needle
Kula kur likely reflecting < compound of PMP *kahiw 'tree, wood', PMP *kuris 'scratch' (ACD) #kiri 'comb': Teiwa kir, Nedebang kiri, Blagar kiri, Adang ?il, Klon kir < Alorese kiri 'comb', Lamaholot-Solor kiri 'comb', possibly < PMP *kaRiqit 'sound of scratching' (ACD) 16 (cf., Manggarai kerit ,
, Sawila da?mu, Kula dam < Tokodede damu, Mambae dam ~ damu (but not Tetun daun) < PMP *zaRum 'needle' (ACD) #batu(C) 'needle': Nedebang batu, Teiwa beti, Kaera ba?ti, Blagar batul, Adang batu(?) < PMP *batuR 'plait, weave' (ACD), p.17
, The East Alor forms for 'sew' in (12) have matches in Central Timor, while further to the west Alor languages show forms with a final /t/ and a back vowel in the second syllable that indicates a distinct source for the west Alor forms. In (13) we see Wersing has a distinct borrowing of PMP *
23) identifies this borrowing, but does not separate the reflexes into two groups, 2015. ,
, The fricative *s has assimilated to the following nasal here, i.e., Klon nmer < pre-Klon *smer
, Abui (ket)kari suggests a borrowing that ultimately reflects PMP *kaRiqit, but not mediated through Alorese/Lamaholot, which have lost the original *a vowel
, Sawila arada 'duck' < Tetun, Galoli rade 'duck
, Sawila muso 'kiss' < Kemak muusu, Tokodede kmus 'kiss, suck' (21) Wersing kasu, Sawila ka?su, Kamang ka?h, Abui kat 'bean, pea' < Tokodede kaso 'bean, p.21
Sawila ba?li ~ beali 'raise, bring up, take care of, feed' < Tetun bali 'to treat, to cure, to give or apply a remedy ,
, Wersing baniak, Sawila banijaka 'guest' < Tetun bainaka 'guest'
, Wersing beb 'palm top', Sawila bi?ba 'leaf rib' < Tetun bebak 'stalk or stem of a palm frond, used for buiding walls of houses and panels in fences
, Wersing bit 'mat' < Tokodede, Mambae biti, Tetun biiti 'mat
, Sawila lura?, lurana 'road, street' < Tetun luran ~ loran 'highway, wide road' 22
Sawila -lo 'follow' < Tetun (ha-)lolo 'follow ,
, More evidence of influence from the languages of East Timor in East Alor comes from Portuguese borrowings that have been mediated through Tetun and/or another northcentral coast language. 23 Examples are given in (30)-(33), Sawila o?sa? 'inheritance' < Tetun osan 'money, valuables
, Wersing sirwis, Sawila siribisi, Kula sirusa 'work'< Tetun serbisu 'work' < Portuguese service
, Wersing spe, Sawila sape 'hat'< Tokodede sapio
, Wersing dinel, Sawila di?el~ dinel 'window' < Tetun dinela < Portuguese janela
, It may be present in the Austronesian source language (but no such language is known), or it may represent phonological adaptation as part of the borrowing process. The latter makes sense for Austronesian borrowings with initial /r/, because that segment only occurs medially, Sawila ka?pe 'coffee'< Tetun kafe < Portuguese café apart from those in West Alor languages
, Hull (2006) suggests that the Tokodede form is itself a borrowing of Malay kacang 'nut, bean
, Kafoa lexicon. PARADISEC Archive
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