. However, this is not the case in all contexts In the scope of negation, the presuppositional content of mai seems to 'vanish' in some cases: (50) Ion nu a mai mâncat papaia. (i) 'Ion has never eaten papaya' (ii) 'Ion hasn't eaten papaya anymore.' (51) Ion nu a mai v?zut Parisul. (i) 'Ion has never seen Paris' 266 b. Piero non è ancora stanco

. Piero-read, . Fut, and . Ancora, Piero will go on reading (a little more)' b. Piero leggerà ancora un romanzo. Piero read.FUT ANCORA a novel 'Piero will read one more novel

. However, can be uttered with this interpretation only if the speaker is facing an occurrence of the same event That is, the argument of ancora needs to be anchored to the time of utterance in this case: this is what gives to the presupposition of ancora in this context an experiential flavour, and it is a reading that Standard Italian ancora seems to have lost. 16 If we look now at the negated counterpart of (58a), it appears that to deny the occurrence of a similar event in the past, (standard and regional) Italian recours to mai (58b) Once again, in the Romanian counterpart (59b) the same meaning can be expressed by mai. The presupposition of mai is not preserved under negation in this context: (58) b. Piero el dize che no'l ga mai sercà a papaya

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