Pluralidad y aspecto verbal en español
Résumé
This paper explores the parallelism between the semantics of plurality in the nominal and the verbal domain, and applies the notion of pluriactionality to the analysis of two Spanish aspectual periphrases, andar + Gerund and ir + Gerund, whose status is shown to differ from that of the expression of Progressive aspect (estar + Gerund). Although the semantic contribution of these periphrases can be captured by pluractional operators of the type proposed by Van Geenhoven (2004, 2005), their interaction with nominal arguments shows that the outputs of such operators should be conceived of as predicates of groups of events, analogous to collective nouns and collective classifiers in the nominal domain. Periphrases contributing pluractional operators are further distinguished from periphrases presupposing the occurrence of another instantiation of the same type of event (volver a + Infinitive) and from periphrases introducing genuine tripartite quantificational structures (soler + Infinitive). It is further suggested – following Van Geenhoven (2004) and de Swart (1998) - that the notion of “covert” pluractional operator can be helpful for describing coercion effects leading to iterative, frequentative and habitual readings in certain contexts.
Este trabajo explora el paralelismo entre la semántica de la pluralidad en el dominio nominal y en el dominio verbal y aplica la noción de pluriacctionalidad al análisis de dos perífrasis aspectuales del español, andar+Ger. e ir + Ger., cuyo estatus difiere de la perífrasis de aspecto progresivo. Las perífrasis pluriaccionales se distinguen de las presuposicionales y de las que introducen estructuras tripartitas cuantificacionales genuinas.
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